The royal palace is the birthplace of the King of Thailand Maha Vajiralongkorn, where, as crown prince, he accepted the official invitation of the crown in 2016 after the death of his father, King Bhumibol Adulyadej, which was four years earlier on Tuesday.
Vajiralongkorn – who spends most of his time abroad – returned to Thailand this week to perform a host of royal duties.
On Tuesday, scuffles broke out between anti-monarchy protesters and police at the Democracy Monument in Bangkok, which had been a meeting place during months of protests. Police said 21 people were arrested.
Protesters partially closed the road near the monument and erected a roadblock that police tried to remove.
Later, the Vajiralongkorn convoy passed in front of the protesters for the first time. Protesters chanted, “Free our friends” and raised the three-finger salute from the Hunger Games movies – a popular symbol of the protests.
The deputy police spokesman, Colonel Kisana Vathancharoen, confirmed that the protesters had been arrested for staging a demonstration without permission and detained for violating the “Public Gathering Law”.
The protesters plan to gather at the monument, march to the prime minister’s office on Wednesday and camp there. If they continue to do so, they could face a confrontation from the pro-monarchical groups that have planned counter-protests.
Experts say this week could be a watershed moment for the ongoing protest movement, which is calling for a new constitution, the dissolution of parliament, the resignation of Prime Minister Prayut Chan or Cha, as well as an end to the intimidation of government critics. Many also demand a true constitutional monarchy in a democracy.
Protest leaders expect a large turnout on Wednesday, but there are questions about whether they are pushing hard for reform of the monarchy, and whether people will take to the streets during a sensitive period and the rains of October. The king is in the city, it was the day of remembrance of the late king, and Wednesday marks the anniversary of the 1973 mass uprising against the military dictatorship.
“I expect the government to tighten control over this protest,” said Punchada Srivonabud, associate professor of politics at Mahidol University’s School of Social Sciences and Humanities.
Those who call for royal reform risk long prison terms. Thai citizens are expected to revere the monarch without any doubt, and criticize the king, queen, or crown prince will be punished under some of the world’s strictest laws.
“It is now or not. The new student movement.” Otherwise, we will end up in the same political vicious cycle again, said Banusaya Sethijirawatanakul, a 21-year-old student who has become a central figure in this institution. Coups after coups supported by the king. ”
It was one of the hot August nights when Panossaya, better known by the nickname Rong, first stepped onto the stage and made a 10-point list of demands for reform to the monarchy.
The demands included that the king be in charge of the constitution, abolish laws against defamation of the monarchy, draft a new constitution, abolish royal offices, overthrow the army-led government, and dissolve the king’s royal guard.
“I almost collapsed a few times while reading the statement. I couldn’t feel my feet and my hand,” she told CNN. “I was afraid of the crowd’s reaction that night.”
But the crowds did not leave. Panossaia was injured in a nerve.
Although the absolute monarchy ended in 1932, the King of Thailand still wielded great political influence. The image of the former King Bhumibol was carefully curated for his presentation as a stable father figure ruled by Buddhist principles throughout decades of political turmoil, and he worked to improve the lives of ordinary Thais with great moral authority.
Nor are political turmoil and bloody protests alien to Thailand. There have been 13 successful military coups since 1932, most recently when the incumbent prime minister and former army chief Prayut Chan-o-cha seized power in 2014.
Bhumibol established close relationships with these former military rulers, granting them legitimacy in exchange for their unwavering support for the monarchy.
Panossaya and her protest group, the United Front of Tammasat and Demonstration (UFTD), say this method of governance is not constitutional. On September 19, I stood again and read a letter that included a list of reforms personally addressed to the king. The next day, with thousands still outside, the group handed the demands over to the police, with the goal of handing them over to the Privy Council, the king’s advisors.
“I wanted him to hear what we wanted and our complaints. I also wanted people to know that they have every right to speak to the king. Everyone should be equal,” she said.
While Bhumibol was truly loved by many in the country, his son, King Vajiralongkorn, who was crowned in May 2019, does not have the same moral authority.
Vajiralongkorn is believed to spend most of his time outside and has been largely absent from public life in Thailand as the country grapples with the coronavirus pandemic.
Last week, Germany’s foreign minister said in Parliament that Vajiralongkorn should not run politics from the European country.
While Thailand has successfully contained the outbreak of the Coronavirus, the economic impacts have been severe. Protesters, who say the faltering economy provides few jobs, have begun to scrutinize the king’s vast wealth and power.
Vajiralongkorn consolidated his power by expanding his designated military unit, the King’s Guard. He also greatly increased his personal wealth – the amendment to the Royal Title Act allowed billions of dollars in royal assets held by the Thai crown to be transferred directly to his control, and contributed to several Thai conglomerates – including Siam Cement Public Company and Siam Commercial Bank Corporation. Public – was placed in the name of the king. The property budget has also increased dramatically.
“The king has been the most powerful, in terms of formal power, since 1932,” said Baffin Chachafalpongpon, assistant professor at the Center for Southeast Asian Studies at Kyoto University. “Although his father had enormous power, he exercised this power mostly through agents. What makes (Vajirilongkorn) more powerful is that he exercises his power through himself.”
Reforming the monarchy has become an increasingly central demand, but the protests are a rallying point for more democratic freedoms, including gay rights and women’s rights, as well as educational and economic reform.
Activists say they are tired of injustices such as the continued military control of power through the constitution, the protracted coronavirus emergency – which they say is being used to stifle political opposition and freedom of expression – and the disappearance of the democracy activists who live. In exile.
Even high school students joined the protests, refusing to stand up for the national anthem in schools and raised the three-finger salute.
Puncada of Mahidol University said it is important for the younger generation to push loudly for change because they “don’t see their future”.
“We haven’t seen that in 40 years,” she said. “They want to have a say in what is going on in their lives.”
Much of their anger was directed at Prime Minister Prayut, whose army-crafted constitution enabled him to secure the premiership in March 2019 through the military-appointed Senate.
Young people left their mark in these first post-coup elections, as they voted for new progressive parties and hoped to change the old power structures that favored a few wealthy elites.
“We were outraged by the decision,” said Panossaya, who helped organize a protest like this.
She said, “I was like people lost their battle again.”
Last month, the Free People protest group led nearly a thousand protesters seeking a constitutional change to parliament after they voted to postpone a decision on amending the constitution until November.
“The electoral system is not really democratic,” Puncada said. “It is not just the students but the middle class and the poor who want to see democratic elections and a government (based) on a true democracy.”
For Banusaya, a third-year student studying sociology and anthropology at Thammasat University, she is still turning her head around her new bad reputation.
“In the last year, you barely paid attention to me or our activities. Now, I have become a symbol of this movement,” she said.
Panossaya said her family supports her business at the moment. “My father is very worried about me. My parents support my decision, but they are concerned for my safety.”
But Banusaya’s protests have attracted alarming attention from the authorities, knowing that speaking out about the monarchy can be dangerous.
“Yes, they put people in front of my house. Unidentified cars or motorcycles followed me,” she said.
Thai Lawyers for Human Rights reported that 62 people were arrested over the course of three months of protests, some of whom are facing sedition charges.
Panossaya said she fully acknowledges what could happen if she persists with her demands but said the pressure for reform is very important.
“I know all the possibilities and troubles that could land on me, including my private life,” she said. “We aim to spread this ideology of reforming the monarchy as much as we can. The demands will remain at this moment.”